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    Yes, several political parties have been banned in Pakistan's history, often during periods of military rule or intense political crackdowns by civilian governments. This has been a recurring feature of Pakistan's tumultuous political landscape. Here are some notable examples: Communist Party of PakRead more

    Yes, several political parties have been banned in Pakistan’s history, often during periods of military rule or intense political crackdowns by civilian governments. This has been a recurring feature of Pakistan’s tumultuous political landscape.

    Here are some notable examples:

    • Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP): Banned in 1954 on charges of attempting to overthrow the government, after being implicated in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy case.
    • Awami League: Banned in March 1971 by President Yahya Khan, just before the independence of Bangladesh. Many of its elected members were disqualified for being labeled “traitors.”
    • Jamaat-e-Islami (JI): Was banned in 1964 by General Ayub Khan, who opposed its religio-political activism and saw it as against his modernizing agenda.
    • National Awami Party (NAP): Banned in 1975 by the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto regime under Section 4 of the Political Parties Act of 1962, accused of backing Baloch separatists. The Supreme Court upheld this ban.
    • All Political Parties (under Ayub Khan): When General Ayub Khan imposed martial law in 1958, he banned all political parties. They were later allowed to function again in some capacity, but under a “guided democracy” system.
    • All Political Parties (under Zia-ul-Haq): General Zia-ul-Haq, after taking power in 1977, also suspended political parties and banned political activities. While he later allowed some political activity, he maintained a tight grip on dissent.
    • Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz-Aresar (JSQM-A): Banned in 2020 by the Interior Ministry, with the government claiming its banner was being used by militant outfits.
    • Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP): Banned in April 2021 by the Punjab government, with federal approval, following violent protests. Although the ban was later challenged and the party was not delisted by the Election Commission of Pakistan, it highlights a recent instance of a party being proscribed.

    The banning of political parties in Pakistan has often been a tool used by powerful establishments, particularly military dictatorships, to suppress political opposition and consolidate power. These actions frequently lead to challenges to democratic norms and human rights concerns.

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    The International Cricket Council (ICC) is actively exploring a two-tier Test cricket system, which, if implemented, would likely begin with the 2027-2029 World Test Championship (WTC) cycle. According to recent reports, Pakistan is likely to be placed in the second division of this proposed two-tieRead more

    The International Cricket Council (ICC) is actively exploring a two-tier Test cricket system, which, if implemented, would likely begin with the 2027-2029 World Test Championship (WTC) cycle.
    According to recent reports, Pakistan is likely to be placed in the second division of this proposed two-tier system.
    Here’s a breakdown of the proposed structure:
    * Two Divisions: The system would feature two divisions, each consisting of six teams.
    * First Division (Likely teams): South Africa, Australia, India, England, New Zealand, and Sri Lanka. These are generally considered the top-ranked sides.
    * Second Division (Likely teams): Pakistan, Bangladesh, West Indies, Afghanistan, Zimbabwe, and Ireland. The latter three (Afghanistan, Zimbabwe, and Ireland) are expected to be added to the expanded WTC format if this proposal goes through.
    This proposal is currently being reviewed by an eight-member working group formed by the ICC, with recommendations expected by the end of 2025. If approved, it would mark a significant change in Test cricket’s structure, including a promotion and relegation mechanism between the divisions.

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    It's a complex situation with conflicting factors influencing solar panel prices in Pakistan. Here's a breakdown: Factors that could make solar panels more expensive in Pakistan: * Proposed 18% Sales Tax on Imported Solar Panels: The most significant recent development is the Pakistani government'sRead more

    It’s a complex situation with conflicting factors influencing solar panel prices in Pakistan. Here’s a breakdown:
    Factors that could make solar panels more expensive in Pakistan:
    * Proposed 18% Sales Tax on Imported Solar Panels: The most significant recent development is the Pakistani government’s proposal in the Budget 2025-26 to impose an 18% sales tax on imported solar panels. This is explicitly aimed at promoting local industry, but it will directly increase the cost for consumers in the short term, as Pakistan heavily relies on imported panels.
    * Changes in Net Metering Policy: The government has revised net metering regulations, reducing the rate at which it buys back excess solar power from consumers (from Rs 27 to Rs 10 per unit). Additionally, the allowed solar capacity for consumers has been reduced. While this doesn’t directly increase panel cost, it reduces the financial incentive and payback period for solar installations, potentially making them less attractive and thus, in a broader sense, “more expensive” in terms of return on investment.
    * Economic Factors: General economic instability, currency fluctuations, and inflation in Pakistan can impact the cost of imported goods, including solar panels and associated equipment.
    Factors that could keep solar panel prices stable or even lead to decreases:
    * Global Price Trends: Globally, solar panel manufacturing has seen significant advancements and economies of scale, leading to a general downward trend in panel prices over the long term. Pakistan has greatly benefited from this, with a “sharp fall in solar panel prices” contributing to the recent solar boom.
    * Increased Local Manufacturing: The proposed 18% tax on imported panels is intended to boost local manufacturing. If local production scales up and becomes competitive, it could eventually lead to more stable or even lower prices domestically as reliance on imports decreases.
    * High Demand and Adoption: Pakistan is experiencing a “solar boom” with rapidly increasing adoption rates, driven by high conventional electricity prices. This high demand could encourage competition among suppliers and potentially lead to more competitive pricing, especially for locally manufactured goods if the industry matures.
    * Government’s Commitment to Renewable Energy: Despite recent policy changes, the Pakistani government has stated that promoting renewable energy remains a priority and aims for a significant portion of its electricity to come from renewable sources by 2030. This long-term commitment could lead to other supportive policies that offset the impact of the import tax or net metering changes.
    Current Situation and Outlook:
    As of June 2025, the proposed 18% sales tax on imported solar panels is a direct indication that prices are likely to increase. While global trends lean towards decreasing solar panel costs, the local tax policy will counteract that for imported panels. The impact on the overall cost of a solar system will also depend on the balance of system (BOS) costs (inverters, mounting, wiring, installation labor), which are also subject to local economic conditions.
    In conclusion, it is highly probable that solar panels will become more expensive in Pakistan in the short term due to the proposed 18% sales tax on imported panels. The long-term outlook will depend on the success of local manufacturing initiatives and whether other government policies emerge to support affordable solar adoption.

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    The procedure for banning a political party in Pakistan is primarily governed by the Constitution of Pakistan (specifically Article 17, which guarantees the right to form associations and political parties, subject to reasonable restrictions) and the Election Act, 2017. Here's a breakdown of the typRead more

    The procedure for banning a political party in Pakistan is primarily governed by the Constitution of Pakistan (specifically Article 17, which guarantees the right to form associations and political parties, subject to reasonable restrictions) and the Election Act, 2017.

    Here’s a breakdown of the typical procedure:

    1. Grounds for a Ban: A political party can be banned if it is deemed to be operating in a manner “prejudicial to the sovereignty or integrity of Pakistan.” This can include:
      • Propagating opinions or acting in a manner prejudicial to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Constitution.
      • Undermining the sovereignty or integrity of Pakistan, public order, or public morality.
      • Indulging in terrorism.
      • Promoting sectarian, regional, or provincial hatred or animosity.
      • Being a “foreign-aided party” (meaning it has been formed or organized at the instance of a foreign government or political party, or receives aid/funds from foreign sources).
    2. Federal Government’s Role:
      • The Federal Government is empowered to make a declaration that a political party is operating in a manner prejudicial to the sovereignty or integrity of Pakistan.
      • This declaration would typically be approved by the Federal Cabinet.
    3. Reference to the Supreme Court:
      • Once the Federal Government makes such a declaration, it must refer the matter to the Supreme Court of Pakistan within 15 days. This is a crucial legal safeguard, as the government cannot unilaterally ban a party.
      • The Supreme Court then has the ultimate authority to affirm or set aside the government’s declaration.
    4. Supreme Court’s Decision:
      • The Supreme Court conducts a judicial review of the government’s declaration and the evidence presented.
      • If the Supreme Court affirms the Federal Government’s declaration, then the political party stands dissolved.
      • If the Supreme Court rejects the declaration, the party cannot be banned on those grounds.

    Key Legal Considerations and Realities:

    • Fundamental Right: The right to form a political party is a fundamental right under Article 17 of the Constitution. Therefore, any ban is subject to strict judicial scrutiny.
    • High Bar for Proof: Historically, it has been challenging for governments to successfully ban a major political party through the Supreme Court. The burden of proof to demonstrate that a party’s activities genuinely threaten national sovereignty or integrity is high.
    • Political Motivation: While the legal framework exists, attempts to ban political parties in Pakistan have often been viewed through a lens of political motivation, especially when targeting popular opposition parties. This can lead to accusations of targeting political rivals rather than genuine threats to the state.
    • Electoral Commission’s Role (Indirectly): While the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) doesn’t directly ban parties in the same way the Supreme Court does, it plays a critical role in regulating political parties. For example, the ECP can take actions like:
      • Stripping a party of its election symbol: This happened to PTI recently for not holding intra-party elections to the ECP’s satisfaction. While not a direct ban, it severely hinders a party’s ability to contest elections effectively, especially in a country with high illiteracy rates where symbols are crucial for voter identification.
      • Deregistering a party: If a party fails to comply with certain requirements of the Election Act, such as submitting audited accounts or holding intra-party elections as per its constitution, the ECP can initiate proceedings for deregistration.

    In summary, the formal procedure for a direct ban requires a declaration by the Federal Government, followed by its affirmation by the Supreme Court. However, governments in Pakistan have also used other regulatory and legal means, such as the ECP’s powers regarding party registration and symbols, to effectively cripple or marginalize political parties.

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    It appears there's a misunderstanding. The search results are primarily about a cricket tournament called the "World Championship of Legends (WCL) 2025" which features retired cricket players, and specifically, the India vs. Pakistan match within that tournament. There's a significant amount of newsRead more

    It appears there’s a misunderstanding. The search results are primarily about a cricket tournament called the “World Championship of Legends (WCL) 2025” which features retired cricket players, and specifically, the India vs. Pakistan match within that tournament.
    There’s a significant amount of news about the cancellation of the India vs. Pakistan match in the WCL 2025 cricket tournament due to geopolitical tensions.
    However, your question asks about a League of Legends (a popular online video game) final between Pakistan and India.
    Based on the search results, there is no information about a League of Legends (esports) final specifically between Pakistan and India.
    There is a “Legends Ascend South Asia 2025” tournament for League of Legends which is open to teams from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives. This tournament will have a prize pool and the winner will qualify for the League of Legends Championship Pacific (LCP) Wildcard Playoffs. It’s an amateur competition that runs from April to August 2025.
    Therefore, if a Pakistan-India final were to happen in League of Legends, it would likely be within a multi-national tournament like “Legends Ascend South Asia.” Without specific tournament brackets or predictions for a direct Pakistan-India final in League of Legends, it’s impossible to predict what would happen. Esports matches depend heavily on team composition, player skill, in-game strategies, and overall team synergy.

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    Benazir Bhutto, affectionately known as "Pinky" in her youth, transformed from the privileged daughter of a political dynasty into the first woman to lead a democratic government in a Muslim-majority country, serving twice as Prime Minister of Pakistan. Her life was a testament to both remarkable acRead more

    Benazir Bhutto, affectionately known as “Pinky” in her youth, transformed from the privileged daughter of a political dynasty into the first woman to lead a democratic government in a Muslim-majority country, serving twice as Prime Minister of Pakistan. Her life was a testament to both remarkable achievement and profound tragedy.

    Early Life and the Origin of “Pinky”:

    Born on June 21, 1953, in Karachi, Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto was the eldest child of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a prominent politician who would later become Prime Minister of Pakistan. Her mother, Nusrat Bhutto, hailed from a wealthy Persian family. The nickname “Pinky” was given to her by her family because she was an “unusually pink baby.”

    Benazir’s upbringing was steeped in privilege and intellectual pursuits. She received her early education at Catholic schools in Pakistan before attending Radcliffe College at Harvard University, where she earned a B.A. cum laude in comparative government in 1973. She continued her studies at Oxford University, reading philosophy, political science, and economics, and famously became the first Asian woman to be elected president of the Oxford Union, a prestigious debating society. It was during her time at these esteemed institutions that her intellect and passion for political discourse began to flourish.

    The Political Awakening and Rise to Power:

    Her return to Pakistan in 1977 was quickly overshadowed by a military coup led by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who deposed and later executed her father in 1979. This devastating event propelled Benazir into the political spotlight. Along with her mother, she took charge of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), enduring frequent house arrest and periods of exile as she championed the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.

    After Zia-ul-Haq’s death in a plane crash in 1988, free elections were held. Benazir Bhutto led the PPP to victory, and on December 2, 1988, at the age of 35, she made history by becoming the 11th Prime Minister of Pakistan. She was a beacon of hope for many, both within Pakistan and globally, as a symbol of female leadership and democratic aspirations in the Muslim world.

    Tenure as Prime Minister and Challenges:

    Bhutto served two non-consecutive terms as Prime Minister: from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996. During her time in office, she focused on social programs, aiming to improve healthcare, education, and access to electricity, particularly in rural areas. She also worked on improving Pakistan’s foreign relations and attracting foreign investment.

    However, her premierships were marked by significant challenges, including a volatile relationship with the military establishment, political instability, and persistent allegations of corruption, which eventually led to her dismissals from office. Despite these setbacks, she remained a formidable figure in Pakistani politics, continuing to lead the PPP and advocate for democratic principles.

    Return to Pakistan and Tragic Assassination:

    After years of self-imposed exile, largely in London and Dubai, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007, following a deal with then-President Pervez Musharraf, with plans to participate in the upcoming general elections. Her return was met with a massive public outpouring of support but also with immediate danger. A suicide bomb attack on her motorcade in Karachi on the day of her return killed many of her supporters, though she narrowly escaped.

    Tragically, on December 27, 2007, while campaigning in Rawalpindi, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated. She was shot and a suicide bomb was detonated immediately after, claiming her life and those of many others. Her death sent shockwaves across Pakistan and the international community, highlighting the perilous nature of political life in the country.

    Benazir Bhutto’s journey from “Pinky,” the cherished daughter, to Prime Minister, the formidable leader, is a powerful narrative of ambition, resilience, and an unwavering commitment to democracy, tragically cut short. Her legacy continues to resonate in Pakistan and beyond as a symbol of courage and a pioneer for women in leadership. 

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    The price of a "normal" gate in Pakistan can vary significantly depending on several factors, including: * Material: Iron, steel, aluminum, and combinations of these (e.g., with glass, fiber, or CNC designs) are common. The type of metal and its gauge (thickness) will heavily influence the price. *Read more

    The price of a “normal” gate in Pakistan can vary significantly depending on several factors, including:
    * Material: Iron, steel, aluminum, and combinations of these (e.g., with glass, fiber, or CNC designs) are common. The type of metal and its gauge (thickness) will heavily influence the price.
    * Size: Larger gates naturally cost more due to increased material and labor.
    * Design and Intricacy: Simple, standard designs will be less expensive than custom-made, ornate, or CNC-cut gates.
    * Type of Gate:
    * Swing gates: Traditional opening gates.
    * Sliding gates: Often used for larger driveways or where space is limited.
    * Automatic/Motorized gates: These include the cost of the motor and installation, significantly increasing the price.
    * Finish: Powder coating, paint, or other rust-proof treatments will add to the cost.
    * Labor and Installation: Prices can differ between cities and individual fabricators/installers.
    * Market Fluctuations: Steel and other material prices can fluctuate, impacting the final cost.
    General Price Ranges (as of late 2024/early 2025 based on available data):
    It’s challenging to give a single “normal” price, but here’s a breakdown of what you might expect for residential gates in Pakistan:
    * Basic Iron Gates: You can find very simple iron gates starting from around PKR 7,500 to PKR 20,000. These are typically for smaller openings or very plain designs.
    * Standard Iron/Steel Gates: For a more typical residential main gate made of iron or steel, prices often range from PKR 35,000 to PKR 65,000.
    * More Elaborate or Larger Gates: If you’re looking for a larger gate, a gate with more intricate designs (like CNC cut patterns), or a gate with heavier gauge materials, the price can go up to PKR 100,000 or even higher. Some premium or very large custom-designed gates can even reach PKR 600,000 or more.
    * Aluminum Gates: Aluminum gates can be in a similar range to steel or higher, depending on the design and complexity, with some listings showing prices around US400 – US500 per set (which translates to approximately PKR 110,000 – PKR 140,000 at an exchange rate of ~PKR 278 to 1 USD).
    * Automatic Gate Systems: Adding an automatic motor and remote control system will significantly increase the overall cost, with automatic gate motors alone ranging from PKR 100,000 to PKR 150,000 or more, in addition to the gate’s cost.
    Where to look for prices:
    * Online Marketplaces: Websites like OLX Pakistan are good for getting an idea of current asking prices from various sellers and fabricators.
    * Local Fabricators/Welders: Visiting local workshops that specialize in metalwork will allow you to get quotes for custom designs and standard sizes.
    * Construction Material Suppliers: Some larger suppliers of construction materials may also offer pre-fabricated gates.
    To get an accurate price, it’s best to:
    * Determine your exact requirements: Measure the width and height of the opening.
    * Decide on the material: Iron, steel, aluminum, etc.
    * Choose a design style: Simple, modern, traditional, ornate, etc.
    * Contact multiple suppliers/fabricators for quotes and compare them.

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    The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has not restored reserved seats to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) or its allied party, the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC). Instead, following a Supreme Court verdict, the ECP has distributed the reserved seats previously earmarked for the PTI/SIC to other pRead more

    The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has not restored reserved seats to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) or its allied party, the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC). Instead, following a Supreme Court verdict, the ECP has distributed the reserved seats previously earmarked for the PTI/SIC to other political parties, primarily the ruling coalition.
    Here’s a breakdown of the recent developments:
    * Supreme Court’s Verdict (June 27, 2025): A 7-3 majority ruling by a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court overturned its own previous judgment (July 12, 2024) that had declared the PTI eligible for reserved seats. This new decision effectively stated that the PTI (or the SIC, which PTI-backed independents joined) was not entitled to reserved seats because of “non-curable legal defects and violation of a mandatory provision of submission of party list for reserved seats.” This decision essentially meant PTI was no longer considered a parliamentary party for the purpose of reserved seats.
    * ECP’s Decision (July 2, 2025): Following the Supreme Court’s verdict, the ECP proceeded to distribute the 77 reserved seats (for women and non-Muslims) in the National Assembly and provincial assemblies that were previously claimed by the SIC/PTI.
    * Distribution of Seats (National Assembly): According to legal experts, of the 22 reserved seats in the National Assembly, the distribution is as follows:
    * Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N): 15 seats
    * Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP): 4 seats
    * Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F): 3 seats
    * Distribution of Seats (Provincial Assemblies):
    * Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly: 10 seats to JUI-F, 7 to PML-N, 6 to PPP, and one each to PTI-Parliamentarians and Awami National Party.
    This redistribution of reserved seats has significantly strengthened the ruling coalition, allowing them to achieve a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly.

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Ali1234Researcher
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    Here’s the connection between Malik Riaz and the £190 million case involving Imran Khan—commonly referred to as the Al‑Qadir Trust case: 1. What is the £190 million case about? The United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency (NCA) had seized £190 million from Malik Riaz on suspicion of money laundering.Read more

    Here’s the connection between Malik Riaz and the £190 million case involving Imran Khan—commonly referred to as the Al‑Qadir Trust case:

    1. What is the £190 million case about?

    • The United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency (NCA) had seized £190 million from Malik Riaz on suspicion of money laundering. As part of a civil settlement in late 2019, Riaz agreed to return these assets to Pakistan.
    • Instead of going directly into Pakistan’s national treasury, the funds were channeled into a Supreme Court account—purportedly to settle a massive fine (roughly Rs 450 billion) imposed on Bahria Town by Pakistan’s Supreme Court.

    2. How is Malik Riaz connected to Imran Khan in this case?

    • The settlement and fund transfer occurred under the PTI administration while Imran Khan was Prime Minister. NAB accuses him of facilitating the transaction, benefiting Malik Riaz, and bypassing the national treasury. In return, Riaz allegedly donated land (around 458 kanals) to the Al‑Qadir Trust, headed by Imran and his wife, for establishing a university in Jhelum.
    • The accountability reference filed by NAB names Malik Riaz, his son Ahmed Ali Riaz, Imran, Bushra Bibi, Mirza Shahzad Akbar, Zulfi Bukhari, and others as suspects, with some declared proclaimed offenders.

    3. Why is Imran Khan saying “I will not be a sworn witness”?

    • According to a statement reported by FT, Malik Riaz, who currently resides in the UAE, said: “No matter how much you oppress me, Malik Riaz will not testify!” This suggests he is resisting pressure to testify in the case against Imran Khan.

    Summary Table

    Stakeholder Allegations/Role in the Case
    Malik Riaz Returned £190 million settlement; allegedly donated land to Al‑Qadir Trust. Refuses to testify.
    Imran Khan Accused of abusing authority to benefit Riaz and facilitate the settlement in a way that bypassed the treasury.
    Al‑Qadir Trust Beneficiary of land from Riaz; central to the quid-pro-quo allegations.

    In short: Malik Riaz’s civil settlement with the UK forms the financial core of the case. Imran Khan is accused of enabling the diversion of these funds in exchange for land, and Riaz’s refusal to testify—or become a witness—complicates the prosecution’s case and adds layers of political and legal intrigue.

     

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